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* 

I BOHEMIA'S CUIM f 
I TO INDEPENDENCE | 

* "— " * 

* i 

^ AN ADDRESS DELIVERED BY X 

I CHARLES PERGLER, LL. B., | 

i BEFORE THE COMMITTEE * 

% ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE HOUSE | 
% OF REPRSENTATIVES OF THE | 

% UNITED STATES, * 

* * 

* ON FEBRUARY 25th, 1916. * 
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GENTLEMEN OF THE COMMITTEE 

ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE HOUSE 

OF REPRESENTATIVES : 

In dealing with the question of the liberation 
of oppressed nationalities, and in preparing to 
take the initiative to achieve their liberation, 
the Congress of the United States is following 
the best American traditions and precedents. 

In 1849, while the Hungarian Revolution 
wa's still in progress, Mr. Clayton sent an 
emissary, Dudley A. Mann, with instructions to 
recognize the Hungarian republic in case ^ it 
appeared to be firmly established. The Austrian 
government protested, and it became the lot of 
Daniel Webster to respond, and in December, 
1850, this great American wrote a spirited reply, 
denying that the visit was an unfriendly act, 
and asserting the right of the American people 
to sympathize with the efforts of any nation to 
acquire liberty. "Certainly the United States 
may be pardoned", said Daniel Webster, "even 
by those who profess adherence to the principles 
of absolute governments, if they entertain an 



ardent affection for its popular forms of political 
organization which have so rapidly advanced 
their own prosperity, their happiness, and 
enabled them in so short a period to bring their 
country, and the hemisphere to which it belongs, 
to the notice and respectful regard, not to say 
the admiration, of the civilized world." 

There is no question that in the Spanish 
American War one of the main motives, actuat- 
ing the American people in their conduct, was 
the desire to see Cuba free and independent. 

The right of any nation to self-government 
and independence is not and cannot be a debat- 
able question. It would be idle, and a waste of 
time and words, to endeavor to prove that this 
or that nationality is entitled to freedom and 
independence. This is one of the self-evident 
truths from the force of which debate or dis- 
cussion would merely detract. This is especially 
true of a nation concerning which President 
Woodrow Wilson says in one of his works : "No 
lapse of time, no defeat of hopes, seems sufficient 
to reconcile the Czechs of Bohemia to incorpo- 
ration with Austria; pride of race and the 
memories of a notable and distinguished history 
keep them always at odds with the Germans 
within their gates and with the government set 
over their heads. They desire at least the same 



degree of autonomy that has been granted to 
Hungary." The State, by Woodrow Wilson, 
Section 589, Edition of 1889, page 338. 

The history of the Czech nationality is one 
of an unparallelled martyrdom. With the 
exception of the Poles, and at present of the 
Armenians, it is quite doubtful whether there is 
any other nation in the world that has ever been 
subjected to the persecution which followed the 
unfortunate result of the battle of White 
Mountain in 1620. 

During the fifteenth century, the Czechs 
fought for the freedom of conscience against the 
whole of Europe. But following this glorious 
period came exhaustion, and after the battle of 
White Mountain in 1620 the Bohemians lost their 
independence. After this battle, twenty-seven 
leaders of the Bohemian Rebellion against Fer- 
dinand the Second were executed ; many of them 
tortured and thirty-six thousand families forced 
to leave their native land, and their property 
confiscated. Today Bohemians pay more than 
four hundred million crowns yearly by way of 
taxes to the Austrian government in Vienna; 
but all this money stays in Vienna, and is being 
used for the support of the Austrian Alp lands 
that are financially passive, while the needs of 
Bohemia are being neglected. 



The ruthless persecution following the 
battle of White Mountain almost wiped out the 
Czechs as a distinct national individuality. A 
policy of Germanization was followed unmerci- 
fully, even by so liberal an Emperor as Joseph 
Second, w^hose ambition it was to erect a strong 
and ethnically unified Austria against the 
ambitions of such Prussian Kings as Frederick 
the Great. Indeed, toward the end of the 
eighteenth century, the Czech nation was looked 
upon as dead. 

Yet the vitality of the nation was such that 
it arose from its grave. This modern miracle is 
largely a triumph of democracy, because it was 
the vitality of the plain people, as Lincoln always 
called them, of the peasants especially, that 
withstood all the assaults of the Germanizing 
elements. Beginning with the nineteenth century, 
Czech men of letters begin to appear, and the 
revolutionary year of 1848 brings a political 
renaissance. 

In the second half of the nineteenth century, 
the nation reached a cultural level surpassing 
that of any other nationality in Austria. In 
literature and arts it is second to no nation of 
its numerical strength; economically it has been 
making rapid strides forward, being second only 
to the Austrian Germans, while in cultural re- 

8 



spects it stands at the head of all Austrian 
nationalities. The Czechs have not quite four 
per cent of persons who can neither read nor 
write, while the Germans of Austria have six 
per cent, and the Magyars forty per cent. 

With all this high degree of development, 
it still cannot be said that the existence of the 
Czechs as a nationality is secure. The Austrian 
constitution declares all nationalities to be 
equal, but in practice this provision means very 
little. Eleven million Germans in Austria have 
five universities, while ten million Czechs, 
including Slovaks, have but one university ; the 
provisions for other school facilities are no 
better. This leads to the Germanization of 
thousands of Bohemian children; the only 
means of defense the Czechs have against this 
is an organization which maintains schools in 
many places for Bohemian children from funds 
raised by contributions of patriotic Czechs. 

The Slovaks of Hungary, who now demand 
that they be united in an independent state with 
their Czech brethren, have suffered and suffer 
now even worse under the Magyar regime. 

Just before the outbreak of the present war, 
the last measure of Bohemian autonomy was 
destroyed by the dissolution of the so-called 
council of the Kingdom, and by the creation of 



a special Imperial commission to govern Bohe- 
mia. This act was illegal and unconstitutional. 
The destruction of Bohemian independence after 
the battle of White Mountain was an equally 
illegal act, and the Bohemians never ecquiesced 
in it. It appears therefore that in demanding 
independence Bohemians can base their demands 
not only upon the right of any nation to self- 
government, but also upon laws and constitutions 
which have never been repealed or abrogated 
with the consent of the Bohemian people. 

It is the devout desire of all rightminded 
men that the present terrible European conflag- 
ration be followed by a permanent and durable 
peace. But the peace following this war cannot 
be durable and cannot be permanent if ancient 
injustices are perpetuated. It is in the interest 
of all neutral powers that the last vestige of 
injustice be removed in the future peace con- 
ference. In adopting a resolution demanding the 
discussion by neutral powers of liberation of 
oppressed nationalities, the congress of the 
United States can place itself not only upon the 
high moral ground of justice and righteousness, 
but also can do so as a matter of enlightened 
American self-interest. 

One of the main causes of the present war 
was the mal-adjustment of Balkan affairs, and 
the failure to solve the Balkan national question. 

10 



As long as a single nation anywhere remains 
under the heel of the conqueror, just so long the 
peace of the world is insecure. In one of his 
recent speeches, the President of the United 
States spoke of the dangers infinite and constant 
which surround this country. The days of 
isolation and self-sufficiency of any country are 
gone. A conflagration started in the Balkans 
may cause a war that would spread throughout 
the world. The neutral powers have a right to 
protect themselves against such danger. If our 
neighbor's house does not answer the require- 
ments of the fire ordinance, we have the right 
to demand that he conform to such requirements 
so that at some future time our own house may 
not be set afire. The analogy holds true today 
in international relations. 

During the Kossuth visit to this country, 
more than fifty years ago, Daniel Webster con- 
cluded one of his most remarkable orations with 
the following sentiment: ^'Hungarian indepen- 
dence, Hungarian control of her own destinies, 
and Hungary as a distinct nationality among the 
nations of Europe." It is regrettable that the 
Magyars, since gaining complete autonomy for 
themselves, themselves turned oppressors of 
Slav nationalities, but this does not change the 
applicabiUty of the sentiment expressed by 
Daniel Webster, and does not mean the same 

11 



attitude as against oppressed nationalities should 
not be taken by American statesmen. Why not 
Bohemian independence; Bohemian control of 
her own destinies, and Bohemia as a distinct 
nationality among the nations of Europe? 




12 



Bohemian (Czech) National 
Alliance in America 



The Bohemian National Alliance in Amer- 
ica is an organization composed of the "Sokol" 
gymnastic societies, of the principal Czech 
fraternal organizations, of social clubs and 
labor bodies. It has branches in most of the 
larger cities of the United States, as well as 
many branches in Canada. It is entitled to speak 
for the 540,000 Bohemians in the United States. 

The Bohemian National Alliance is work- 
ing actively for the freedom of Bohemia, an 
object which is bound up with the success of 
the Allies. It opposes the false neutrality 
tactics employed by Germans living in the 
United States, particularly their efforts to stop 
the export of munitions of war. 

With the Bohemian National Alliance in 
America are affiUated similar organizations of 
Czechs living in London, Paris and Switzerland. 



Problem of Small Nations 
In The Crisis of Europe 



BY 
Dr. T. G. MASARYK 

Late Professor of Philosophy in the Czech University of 

Pragrue and Member of the Austrian Parliament; 

liCcturer in the New School of Slavonic Studies 

in King's College, University of London. 

Reprinted from Current History. 




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BOHEMIAN (CZECH) NATIONAL ALLIANCE 
OF AMERICA 

3639 W. 26tli Street, Chicago, 111. 



The Position of the Bohemians 
[Czechs] in the European War 

CONTENS: 

1. Why the Bohemians are no friends of 
the Germans. 

2. Bohemians for America and against 
Austria. 

3. Resolution of Protest against "The 
Appeal to the American People". 

4. British, French and Russian Comments 
on the attitude of the Bohemians. 

5. Right kind of Patriotism (reprinted 
from Chicago Daily Journal). 

6. Bang goes the Hyphen ! (reprinted from 
Chicago Herald). 



Declaration of the Bohemian 
[Czech] Foreign Committee 

CONTENTS: 

Declaration. 

Professor Masaryk as Lecturer in London 
University. (Comments of London Papers). 

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THE BOHEMIAN NATIONAL ALLIANCE 

3639 W. 26th St., Chicago, 111. 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



01 



9 767 453 2 



Bohemia Under 
Hapsburg Misrule 

A Study of the Ideals and Aspirations of the Bohemian 

and Slovak Peoples as Related to and Affected 

by the European War. 




I Have the Bohemians a Place in the Sun? .. 

Thomas Capek 

II. The Slovaks of Hungary Thomas Capek 

III. Why Bohemia Deserves Freedom k\"\' 

Professor Bohumil Simek 

IV. The Bohemian Character. Professor H. A. Miller 

V Place of Bohemia in the Creative Arts 

Professor Will S. Monroe 

VI The Bohemians and the Slavic Regeneration ... . 

Professor Leo Wiener 

Addenda. The Bohemians as Immigrants .......... 

^ , Emily G. Balcn 



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